Podcast Ep. 8: Lord Sewel, Calais’s Migrant Crisis & Cecil The Lion

This week Jazza & Jimmy plough into the Lord Sewel controversy and which particular bit of his behaviour (snorting cocaine off of sex workers’ breasts included) was the most immoral. Is it time we reassessed the House of Lords?

 

Calais has a SWARM of migrants trying to get into the UK. That ‘swarm’ actually only includes 5000 individuals… so what’s the bug deal? They’re all technically still asylum seekers until proven otherwise, right? What can we do?

 

Finally, Cecil. Zimbabwe’s finest was shot by an American dentist. What a way to go! We discuss whether it’s fair that the shooter, Walter Palmer, has been dragged over the coals for this.

 

This episode will also only come out of one ear… technical difficulties… soz lol!

Podcast Ep. 7: Is Oh My Vlog Racist? London’s Conservative Mayor & Donald Trump

In this week’s Podcast it’s Jazza, Jimmy AND John. Just one more member and we’re a Union J tribute act.

We discuss the new ‘dead-tree’ publication, Oh My Vlog! which focuses on the most popular in the YouTube community like Zoella, Joe Sugg and Alfie Deyes. Does the number of white faces show wider racism in the UK YouTube community and the mainstream media? Three white, privately educated men discuss.

The Conservatives have announced their shortlist for the London Mayoral Election and have snubbed Ivan Massow and Sol Campbell, two high profile candidates, in favour of Zac Goldsmith running against three nobodies. Is this the Tories announcing Goldsmith as their preferred Mayor in all but name? Yes, almost definitely.

And Donald Trump is the leader in the polls on the Republican side of the USA Presidential Elections. This is hilarious. We laugh a lot.

If Jeremy Corbyn doesn’t win the leadership, what exactly is the point of Labour?

Jeremy Corbyn, No More War at Parliament Square, August 2014, Garry Knight

So much for Jeremy Corbyn being the joke candidate at the Labour leadership election.

Ever since The Right Dishonourable dismissed his chances of even securing enough nominations to appear on the ballot paper the MP for Islington North has trounced every expectation: securing support from more Labour constituencies than any other candidate, being backed by trade union Unite, and now polling ahead of every other candidate.

The whine from the Blairites that Labour is making itself unelectable has thus become a howl. Chuka Umunna, the smooth-talking Streatham MP and former leadership contender, went so far as to liken his party to “a petulant child” in an interview on BBC Newsnight. “There is no glory in opposition,” he said. “Ultimately we will betray our people if we don’t get elected.”

Labour’s identity crisis reflects an ongoing feature in the British political system as much as it does the current weakness of the party. Whilst conservatism naturally fits the remit of the protean, managerial modern political party, radicalism of any sort jars with the compromises and mealy-mouthed messaging that New Labour exemplified.

The Iraq War might be the most ostensible reason that many in Labour denounce the legacy of prime minister Tony Blair – the only Labour leader to secure three full terms in office – but for many to the Left of the party New Labour’s collusion with free market capitalism (or in their ominous phrase “neoliberalism”) was the true betrayal of the party’s roots.

They have a point. Parties throughout all democracies morph over time as questions are settled and newer problems arise, but the abandonment of Clause IV, which advocated “common ownership of the means of production”, by Blair in 1995 posed an existential question of Labour that has not been answered: Just why does it exist?

When the party was first formed it was quite clear what its purpose was. The working classes had long been treated as serfs by the patrician class that ruled Britain, unconsulted on political issues and often neglected. Labour changed that, most notably in the wake of the Second World War where Clement Attlee was able to usher in the welfare state as the second Labour prime minister.

Much has changed since then. The shrinking of industry and movement towards the service sector economy has coincided with serious globalisation. As such the unions and working classes that used to sustain Labour were much diminished by the end of the 20th century. Perhaps unsurprisingly, most Britons now see themselves as middle class.

As such Blair’s movement of the party made a deal of sense – arguably he was just responding to the market forces that do a great deal to determine who can be elected in a liberal democracy. But the problem for Labour is not so much its own movement as the response from the opposite benches.

The Tories have not managed to shed their image as “the nasty party”. Quite possibly they never will. But in Cameron and Osborne they have two pragmatic leaders willing to take on the centre ground. Osborne’s faux-adoption of the “living wage” in this year’s budget was one example of this; Cameron’s embrace of gay marriage in the last parliament was another.

This leaves Labour with little room to manoeuvre. Sure, it could do what Liz Kendall wants and throw itself back into Blairism. But its weaker reputation on the economy will surely leave it wanting when faced with a Conservative front bench that, at least by centrist standards, is fairly socially liberal.

After the disaster of Ed Miliband it is understandable the Blairites are lobbying for a return to the centre. Perhaps it might even work to get the party back in power. But whilst that same section of the party jeers at the Labour Left for being a “glorified pressure group”, it should also wonder what the point is of having power after all principle has been abandoned.

Header Image – Jeremy Corbyn, No More War at Parliament Square, August 2014 by Garry Knight

Podcast Ep. 6: Labour and Lib Dem Leadership, Gays in Russia & Her Royal Heilness

Jazza is back from Russia! And in this episode he shed some light on the LGBT life in Moscow with the conversations he had with gay and homophobic Russians.

But not before Jazza & Jimmy discuss the Labour and Lib Dem leaderships. Why is Jazza not Tim Farron’s biggest fan? Why doesn’t Jimmy really care that the Telegraph newspaper wants to sabotage Labour? Find out in this week’s podcast.

And finally we talk about THAT Sun front page, with the Queen doing the Nazi salute as a 7 year old girl. Is it fair for them to publish it? Was the pun ‘Her Royal Heilness’ really that terrible?

 

Make sure you engage with us on social media. Talk to us on Twitter @RightDishonour.

The Audience is a slavish sop to the Windsors that fails to convince

The British Royal Family on the balcony of Buckingham Palace, 16 June 2012, Carfax2 edit

Perhaps the nicest thing you can say about the Windsor family is that they are a benign tumour on the fetid carcass of the British state.

That, I repeat, is the nicest thing. If you wish to be more middling in your remarks, you might well say that the monarchy is a stubborn cancer that has resisted removal because, for the time being, the residents of Downing Street have found its existence useful – at least to the office of the prime minister.

But if you thought that a play predicated on the weekly chats between prime minister and monarch would shed light on just why this is so, you will likely be disappointed with The Audience, which is now in a second run at the Apollo Theatre in London, this time with Kristin Scott Thomas (a dame, no less) starring as Lizzie Windsor.

The thrust of the play is that the assorted premiers are a bunch of hapless halfwits whose administrations are in a state of permanent crisis – a believable if cynical thesis. Opposite the ministers is the variously greying embodiment of the British state, increasingly shrewd as the years wear on.

If you believe the various puffs that Buckingham Palace puts out in collusion with the mawkish elements of Fleet Street the latter view is not so strange. Queenie is sometimes shown in the media as akin to a Silicon Valley exec in her work habits, never more than half an hour from cutting another ribbon or entertaining some ghastly foreign despot.

This view has clearly been bought by Peter Morgan, The Audience’s playwright, whose attempt to step behind what the Marxist historian Tom Nairn termed The Enchanted Glass leads him to depict the queen’s life as one of great sacrifice, and the queenship a mantle she was unwilling to take up in her younger years.

No doubt the whole “uneasy lies the head that wears the crown” trope was too tasty for Morgan to resist. But the view that the Windsors genuflect towards their subjects and not the other way round is a hard one to credit.

When the Dutch queen Beatrix resigned in 2013 it prompted much speculation in Fleet Street that Lizzie Windsor might follow. Given her son Charlie’s reputation for being a loon this caused severe alarm, with many royalists suggesting a generation might be skipped in the rather embarrassing circumstances (and thus rather failing to appreciate how “hereditary” works).

Lizzie was unmoved; Indeed The Audience even makes a crack at Pope Benedict XVI’s expense for not leaving his job in a coffin.

No doubt after so many years the chief Windsor would struggle in losing her life’s work. But a less cretinous explanation for her refusal to abdicate is that she rather enjoys her influence over public life. While the monarchy is clearly at Parliament’s pleasure these days (it was, after all, what the Civil War was fought over), the suggestion that the queen might nudge her ministers in certain directions is at the centre of the royalist paradox.

The gambit works like this: When a radical lefty complains the monarchy is a rather undemocratic affair (as Python has it, you don’t vote for kings) they will reply that she has no power anyway. And yet when you suggest replacing the Windsors with an elected president that can be fired, they complain that the job would be politicised – hardly a danger for an empty role.

It is this strand that The Audience picks at, with the final conclusion being that the queen does have some influence over whether the prime minister might do something silly like invade Iraq (which is compared to the Suez crisis despite innumerable problems with the analogy).

That this is discussed so openly and approvingly leads one to conclude that Morgan must believe it to be A Good Thing, showing the old divide between Whig and Tory over the rights of the monarchy is not dead yet. One can only hope the hereditary lottery will disabuse him of this view when Lizzie finally snuffs it.

Header Image – Windsors on the balcony of Buckingham Palace, 16 June 2012, by Carfax2


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